The USA has had a bipartisan economic policy for 20 or 30 years now. It’s what some people call “neoliberalism.”
The basic idea is that prosperity depends on rich people investing in the economy, so that the key to prosperity is to allow rich people to accumulate money.
It is reducing upper-bracket tax rates, reducing government regulation and reducing government spending except on the military and police.
It is allowing manufacturing companies to become competitive by shifting production to low-wage countries, holding prices down by allowing cheap imports, and shrinking the social safety net to encourage people to take low-wage jobs.
It is giving financial institutions free rein to make risky investments, because free markets are important, and bailing them out when they fail, because large-scale financial failure would destabilize the economy.
It is not enforcing the antitrust laws because business consolidation supposedly promotes economic efficiency.
It is now than then enacting some benefit for working people, but never anything that threatens the incomes of the wealthy or the power of big corporations.
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The North American Free Trade Agreement is an example of neoliberal bipartisanship. The idea for NAFTA originated in the Ronald Reagan administration, the George H.W. Bush administration negotiated it, but it took the Bill Clinton administration to get it approved.
NAFTA shifted the balance of power against organized labor. Employers could credibly threaten to pick up and relocate in Mexico if workers didn’t give them what they wanted.
Another joker in NAFTA was the investor-state dispute resolution provision. It gave foreign companies the right to ask for damages if a local, state or national government passed some law or regulation that reduced their profits. The theory was that this was a trade barrier, the same as a tariff. Investor-state disputes are decided not by courts, but by arbitrators.
The investor-state dispute resolution provision was a main reason why Congress declined to endorse President Obama’s proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement. President Trump deserves credit for dropping the TPP.
The new U.S.-Canada-Mexico Agreement contains an investor-state dispute resolution provision. However, unlike NAFTA, it also contains labor and environmental standards and not just protections for companies. If these turn out to be meaningful, President Trump and the present Congress will deserve a certain amount of credit.
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Bill Clinton was a good friend of the banking industry. Early in his administration, Congress passed the Siegle-Neal Act, which eliminated restrictions on interstate banking. Bank mergers followed in rapid succession.
He twice reappointed Alan Greenspan, advocate of banking deregulation, as chairman of the Federal Reserve Board. He proposed and got repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act, which separated commercial banks, whose deposits were insured by the federal government, from investment banks, whose deposits could be risked in potentially high-profit investments.
His administration explicitly forbid regulation of derivatives, which are investments not backed by any tangible asset—essentially a form of gambling on the economy. All these decisions set the stage for the Great Recession of 2007-2009.