Note: I made several last-minute revisions and additions to this post the evening and following morning after I put it up.
American politics nowadays is extremely bitter. Many Democrats and Republicans literally hate the opposing party. In some circles, there’s talk of a new civil war.
Yet the leaders of the two parties differ but little on fundamental political and economic issues. None of them questions the goal of global military supremacy. Neither is facing up to the pandemic or the impending climate-related disasters. Neither questions the existing structure of wealth and power.
But our politics is not about economic and political change. It is about cultural change.
One party is pushing the ongoing revolution in how we think about race, religion, the family and sexual morality; the other is resisting it. These issues are important, but they don’t have political answers. But here we are. They are on the political agenda, whether I like it or not.
Some friends of mine pointed me to an important article by David Brooks in The Atlantic about the background to all this. He said that we are in the unusual position of having an elite of income and wealth who think of themselves as progressive, and push for change they think is progressive, while remaining blind to their own privilege.
The late Saul Alinsky said politics is a conflict between the haves, the have-nots and the have-a-littles. As Brooks points out, this is not politics in today’s USA. He describes a blue hierarchy and a red hierarchy, and points out that political antagonism is mostly between groups at the same levels in the opposing hierarchies (Koch brothers vs. Bill Gates, social workers vs. cops).
Brooks’ blue hierarchy consists of:
- The bohemian bourgeoisie: Technology and media corporate CEOs, university and foundation presidents, high-level bankers, highly-successful physicians and CEOs. Many are graduates of elite universities. They think they owe their success to their superior intelligence and understanding.
- The creative class: Tenured professors, successful journalists, employees of non-profit and cultural institutions.
- Children of the elite: Younger people with elite educations, but without elite incomes, working in the lower rungs of education, the mass media, technology and the non-profit sector.
- The caring class: Health care workers, and also restaurant servers, store clerks and hotel employees. They tend to be racially diverse, and poor.
His red hierarchy consists of:
- The philistine one-percenters: Corporate executives, entrepreneurs, top-level professionals. Few are graduates of top universities. They think they owe their success to their superior common sense and grit.
- The regional gentry: Families in small cities and towns who’ve owned businesses and properties for generations, and identify with their communities.
- The proletarian aristocracy (aka the petit bourgeoisie): Small-business owners, independent craft workers (electricians, plumbers), salaried middle managers.
- The rural working class. Wage-earners with highly-supervised jobs in manufacturing, construction and transportation. They tend to be poor, and racially homogeneous, living among family and friends they’ve known all their lives.
I would mention another key group in the red coalition.
- The guardian class. State and local police, private security and the career military. They are important not only because of their numbers, but because of the respect the enjoy and because of the key role they would play in any breakdown in social order. Counteracting this is the new wokeness at the top levels of the Pentagon and FBI.
What unites the blue and red hierarchies? Not material interests. Values. What are they fighting over? Validation of their values. Validation of their ways of living and ways of thinking, and repudiation of those of their enemies. Also higher status, but mainly validation.
What Brooks doesn’t get into is the large number of Americans who don’t feel represented by either the blue or the red hierarchy They either see no material benefit in voting or they reluctantly vote for what they see as a lesser evil.
Not everybody is enlisting to fight in the culture wars. Some care more secure jobs, or secure retirements, or an end to useless, unwinnable wars, or protection from pandemic disease, or something else that’s tangible and real and not a matter of attitude.
LINKS
How the bohemian bourgeoisie broke America by David Brooks for The Atlantic. “The creative class was supposed to foster progressive values and economic growth. Instead we got resentment, alienation and endless political dysfunction.” Yep!