
China has the world’s largest or second largest economy, depending on how it is measured. It is world’s leading manufacturer and exporter. It has nuclear weapons and the world’s largest standing army.
Its leader, Xi Jinping, has a plan to connect the interior of Eurasia an integrated whole, through construction of railroads and oil and gas pipelines.
This Belt and Roads Initiative, together with China’s informal military alliance with Russia, would make the interior of Eurasia an economic zone dominated by China and largely invulnerable to U.S. sea and air power.
It would mean world leadership for a nation whose leaders explicitly reject such ideas as universal values, intrinsic human rights, freedom of the press and an independent judiciary—ideas that we Americans consider foundations of Western civilization.
How likely is it that China’s leaders can realize these ambitions? A scholar named Elizabeth C. Economy took a calm and skeptical look at China in a 2018 book entitled THE THIRD REVOLUTION: Xi Jinping and the New Chinese State.
The first revolution, in her view, was Mao Zedong’s victory over Chiang Kaishek in 1949.
Mao made China a unified nation free of foreign influence, and started China on the road to industrialization. But his utopian dreams and totalitarian government brought China to the brink of collapse.
Hundreds of thousands and maybe millions of Chinese were killed in purges. Millions and maybe tens of millions starved to death because nobody dared tell the truth about his failed agricultural policies. Mao’s Cultural Revolution, intended to break up a new emerging social hierarchy, reduced the whole country to chaos.
The second revolution, in her view, was the emergence of Deng Xiaoping. He accomplished what few leaders in history have been able to do—reform an authoritarian government. Typically reformers fail to change the system, like Khrushchev, or undermine the stability of what they are trying to reform, like Gorbachev.
Deng loosened the authority of the Communist Party and relaxed economic controls just enough to allow for individual initiative, while keeping control. He set up a system of collective leadership with an orderly succession.
Unlike Mao, he kept in the background and exercised power from behind the scenes, On the world scene, his policy was to quietly make China stronger without alarming the existing great powers.
His policies, and not Mao’s, produced a great leap forward in economic development. China’s rise from the wreckage of the Cultural Revolution was as great an economic miracle as the rise of Germany and Japan from the ashes of World War Two. Deng was one of the great statesmen of the 20th century.
Many Western observers thought that as China became integrated into the world economy, it would adopt liberal and democratic values. Xi Jinping’s third revolution is intended to prevent this from happening.
Xi has eliminated tern limits. He evidently intends to serve for life, which could mean a succession struggle like the one that followed the death of Mao. He has reaffirmed Communist Party control of the economy, and insists on ideological orthodoxy.
But what is the meaning of Communist ideology in a country with a stock exchange, giant profit-seeking corporations and 485 billionaires? Under Xi, Communism is reduced to Chinese nationalism and obedience to authority.
One reason for the downfall of the Soviet Union was that people stopped believing in Marxism-Leninism as an ideal. How long can the Chinese believe in a “socialism with Chinese characteristics” that is indistinguishable from capitalism?
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